Developing a new regional education,
employment & training agenda:
early lessons from Whittlesea

John Spierings

Dusseldorp Skills Forum, August 2000

Intro
Snapshot
The Power of the Regions
Whittlesea
The Whittlesea Youth Commitment
Actions in 2000
Conclusion

 

Despite sustained economic growth in Australia over the past decade, the number of people who have been unemployed for more than a year is at a level equivalent to the economic recessions of 1990-91 and 1982-83. According to the ABS more than 190,000 Australians are long-term unemployed, an underestimate because of the number of discouraged jobseekers not included in the official statistics. However the magnitude of long-term unemployment is probably better captured by the number of people on Centrelink ‘temporary’ benefits - new start, youth and mature age allowances (excluding full-time students) for more than 12 months. There are 386,000 people currently in these Centrelink categories. The persistence of long term unemployment has many important implications for individuals and their well-being, and more generally for public policy, especially in terms of macro-efficiency and budget issues.

A failed school-to-work transition is now recognised as an important risk factor in terms of propensity to long-term unemployment. An estimated one in five of Australia’s long-term unemployed is connected to a failed school-to-work transition. Young people are in the frontline of the employment, education and training consequences resulting from the economic transformation involved in the development of ‘the new economy’.

An important Business Council of Australia (BCA) report recently strongly linked the issue of long-term unemployment with the many difficulties that face young people as they experience the transition from school-to-work. The BCA analysis of services for young people in transition highlighted some major problems in service conceptualisation, planning and delivery. The capacity of central agencies under current arrangements to determine successful youth transitions is questionable. In particular the BCA pointed to:

Some of the responses suggested by the Business Council such as re-configuring Education Departments as Departments of Youth Futures may be seen as contentious, but the BCA analysis of the key issues is nevertheless compelling.

An attempt has been made to address some of these issues, and others, through a process that has evolved in Whittlesea, an outer northern suburb of Melbourne, over the past two years. This paper aims to analyse what has been achieved to date, point to the key factors involved in building the regional partnership, and what still needs to be done.

A snapshot of young people ‘at risk’ in the school-to-work transition

Part of the context for has emerged in Whittlesea was provided by data generated through a collaborative project co-ordinated by the Dusseldorp Skills Forum (DSF) over the past three years that documented the broad learning and work situation of young people in Australia. Some of the salient points include:

The Power of the Regions

The emergence of a ‘new economy’ that places a higher value on personal and intellectual skills, often gained through academic study and training, and the simultaneous decline of processing and manufacturing industries has changed the employment outlook for young people during the closing decades of the twentieth century. The massive recent growth of part-time and casual work in entry-level jobs in the service industries, while making it easier for many young people to pursue study and to gain valuable workplace skills, has also eroded the stock of full-time jobs available to young people. Increasingly young people are required to stay in education for extended periods in order to gain a toehold in those jobs that do offer a sustainable future and career path. The transition to economic independence is taking longer, and with it young people are being forced to rely on their parents for longer periods as well. For young people not linked to this trajectory or unable to construct an alternative pathway, the prospect of rotating through precarious employment or entering long-term unemployment is real.

However this aggregate picture of what is happening in learning and work among young people only captures part of the landscape facing young people. The pattern of advantage and disadvantage in different communities is much more complex than the collaborative project could reveal. A clutch of recent studies has pointed to the significance of regional issues in influencing economic and educational opportunities. The Victorian post-compulsory education review examining the situation of young people not in education or employment has clearly highlighted "a trend towards greater regional disparity….consistent with the growing gaps between the better and worse off in the State."

The disadvantage of place is now quite profound. In the 70s and 80s it seemed that issues of gender, ethnicity and disability took prominence in debates about opportunity and inequality. But in the late 1990s it is the consequences of a flight of public and private capital (both financial, infrastructure and skills) from local economies to the global economy that is drawing concern. This is happening at two levels: from Australia as a nation-state to other international centres; as well as internally. The metropolitan centres of Melbourne, Sydney and Brisbane and the coastal economies of NSW and Queensland have prospered while other centres have declined. And within Sydney and Melbourne the inner city and the east (and the north shore in Sydney) have benefited at the expense of most other suburbs.

Recently DSF commissioned the Centre for Sustainable Regional Development at La Trobe University to analyse findings about young people in a number of recent reports tracking the impact of growing inequalities between regions and localities in Australia. The study concluded that "the poorer performing regions of Australia have a range of economic and social issues that are impacting on the educational and employment attainments of their young people." Young people living in rural and remote locations clearly tend not to fare as well as students living in metropolitan areas — however locality alone is not the sole reason for a student’s success in the education and work situation. The opportunities available to young people and their patterns of participation tend to be more dependent on the general economic performance of a region than on youth specific factors.

The State of the Regions report recently noted: "The inequality in the distribution of wealth, infrastructure, skills, knowledge based workers, emerging industries and access to strong labour markets and commercial centres means that deprived regions are more likely to continue to lag behind. Around half our population live in communities that are equipped to handle the economic pressures of the early 21st century. The rest live in either marginalised communities or communities that without strong action to upgrade their economic fundamentals run a strong risk of becoming marginalised."

Recognition of the importance of regional outcomes comes at a time when there is strong tension between ‘the centre’ and ‘the periphery’ in policy and funding debates, and when the primary lines of accountability to funders or purchasers rather than local people (whether seen as customers or citizens) are open to contest. Many communities have come to realise that they need to become more self-directed and self-initiating, not just to compete against the drift of public and private resources but simply in order to survive.

For example they are realising that they can no longer look to a key employer to save a town or a community; equally they are sceptical about the capacity and willingness of governments to support them as services are lost and industry drifts away. There is a sense that total faith in either governments or markets is misplaced. A mix of instruments and approaches is required that might include both public and private capital, and most importantly, ingenuity, adapted to particular circumstances and responses. The work of ‘civic entrepreneurship’, of combining people and resources — both public and private - in new ways as a means of delivering better social outcomes, higher economic value and more social capital, is becoming increasingly important. More can be achieved by working together rather than battling away in isolation.

In addition the knowledge that people’s pathways are now no longer linear — people flow between activities (eg. learning/work/family/travel) means that no one program will meet the needs of individuals or raise the well-being of the community. This is especially true of young people. Consequently there is a need to take advantage of all the funding opportunities that are available, and for the need to integrate and link discrete programs. There is a growing realisation that responsibility for integrating these opportunities can only come from the local level, not from the central employment, education and training agencies at the State or Commonwealth level. Communities are trying to respond creatively to the short-termism of these agencies, to the restrictive targeting of many programs and the habit of the funding tap being turned on and off.

The adoption of a purchaser-provider model of policy development, funding and service delivery has meant that labour market and training programs, while being based in communities (eg. Work for the Dole, Jobs Pathway Programme, JPET) are controlled centrally in terms of where and how they fit. For example, local communities were unable to input into the recent Job Network tender round and determine the type, location and style of assistance required in their local economy. In reality the Job Network operates less like a web of co-operation and more like a series of competitive enterprises — there is little sharing of knowledge about interventions to develop common understandings about how to assist people back to work and there is almost no combined effort in local communities to achieve locally desirable outcomes.

The ‘turf warfare’ between the Commonwealth and the States over the provision of services, the distribution of resources and the primacy of their respective legislative jurisdictions, has serious local consequences, especially in the areas of vocational education and training and school-to-work transitions. In the area of school-to-work transitions where the Commonwealth has primary responsibility for employment outcomes and the States have primary responsibility for educational outcomes, there is bound to be conflict over the roles of the respective spheres. As a result local communities are becoming increasingly assertive, and cobbling together arrangements to give them greater access and planning over services for young people.

Some of the most severe difficulties between ‘the centre’ and ‘the periphery’ emerge over program funding. Examples include:

The recent OECD thematic review of transition provides an interesting insight into how these relationships can be better managed. It praised those countries with tight safety knits at the local level and pointed to Scandinavian countries such as Denmark where a wide range of learning options exist, and great efforts are made to ensure that education is moulded to suit the particular circumstances of individual young people. In Denmark each municipality is legally obliged to follow up all young people under the age of 20 who opt out of education without obtaining a qualification. The municipal guidance service works with each ‘at risk’ young person to enable them to develop and follow an individual action plan involving work, education and training. The main goal is to re-engage them into mainstream education as soon as possible so they can gain a qualification; government provided income support is contingent on the pursuit of the personal action plan. The OECD review points to the importance of customisation of services, funding and institutions around individuals and local communities rather than prescriptive central models.

In Australia one of the strongest examples of local stakeholders working in concert to enrich the transition experience of young people is through the structured workplace learning partnerships of schools and industry. Originally established as vehicles to provide students with better avenues to develop generic workplace and life skills, and to encourage innovative modes of learning beyond the boundaries of the classroom, a number of these partnerships are now evolving as platforms connecting young people to entry level employment and vocational training. They are packaging and integrating a range of local support services including pre-employment training, apprenticeship placement, employment brokerage, literacy and numeracy education, and so on in ways that challenge government agencies that only take responsibility for a fraction of the transition experience or the youth cohort. The Whittlesea Youth Commitment is just one example of how new holistic platforms to assist young people in transition are emerging. While it gives us some interesting insights, each community’s response to the transition needs of young people will reflect their own peculiar circumstances and capacities.

Whittlesea

The State of the Regions report describes Darebin, Moreland, Hume and Whittlesea as "a production region with low labour utilisation, poor job creation and poor job prospects and higher than average barriers to employment but it has reasonable infrastructure and a growing skills base."

However Whittlesea is probably more advantaged than its immediate inner urban neighbours. It is a fast growing outer suburban and semi-rural municipality of more than 120,000 people in Melbourne’s northern corridor. Across so many dimensions — age structure, income, health status, and employment levels — it typifies the outer suburban localities of Australia’s capital cities. Its families are aspirational, both for themselves and their children; sport is one of the powerful glues that bind the community together; and a modest affluence can be detected that sometimes masks pockets of real disadvantage. It faces all the community building, skill and employment development, and infrastructure provision issues confronting every expanding suburban cluster.

Its young people generally attend one of the eight local schools (seven public and one Catholic). Mostly built in the 1960s and 1970s, the public school infrastructure is beginning to show signs of age and sustained wear and tear. The social and economic indicators - in terms of school retention to Year 12, youth unemployment, and access to higher education - for young people in Whittlesea are comparable to those in nearby municipalities in northern Melbourne. However the population growth expected over the next decade will put great pressure on an already strained public education system and on the creation of new employment opportunities.

Young people in Whittlesea in full-time employment are predominantly in low skilled jobs, in sales, service and clerical positions and in labouring. More than half of the youth jobs are in these three categories - and there is a lower proportion of teenagers in trades than the metropolitan average. Most of the jobs in Whittlesea are in manufacturing, in retailing, in construction and house building, and in education. There are significant employers in mushroom cultivation, tool making, furniture making, glue manufacture, and small-scale textile, clothing and footwear businesses. The likely growth in jobs will be in metal manufacturing, retailing, health services, and furniture manufacturing. Particular skill shortages have been identified in the northern region in the stainless steel industry, machine operations, and printing industries, predominantly male fields. However teenagers in Whittlesea aspire to work in hospitality, in art and design, and so on - their ambitions extend beyond the range of jobs immediately on the horizon in their local community.

The Whittlesea Youth Commitment

In the past eighteen months some key steps have been taken by the local community to identify the position of young people in Whittlesea:

Key findings of the funding map were:

The map estimated that up to 260 young people are leaving school with an unknown destination, and this was likely to double in the next four years. Reasons young people are giving for being ‘at risk’ vary from family bereavement, homelessness, depression, and learning difficulties, to simply not liking school: "I need to be hands on, I just can't sit down and learn, I just drift off."

During 1999 a collaborative partnership involving education, employment, and training providers; government, and community agencies in Whittlesea evolved in response to the immediate situation of young people not in full-time education or employment and to plan a more integrated set of approaches to Whittlesea young people in the future. The initial impetus came from a local education sector concerned about rising levels of youth disengagement, a sense that an increasing number of students still at school were ‘reluctant stayers’, and the knowledge that new income, employment assistance and training arrangements were unlikely to arrest the number of young people at risk of failing through the social safety net. The participating organisations came together "believing that by doing so the sum total of their efforts will be greater than if they had continued to work separately. … [To provide] a common framework, a clear focus and a collective means of developing the life skills and active citizenship of each young person in Whittlesea. To achieve this we need a strategy that builds and sustains a skilled and stable workforce."

As a result the Whittlesea Youth Commitment (WYC) partnership emerged, with an official partnership agreement being signed in March 2000.

Partners in the Commitment include:

The WYC objectives are to:

Financial and in-kind contributions have been made to the community partnership by a range of members and a secretariat or ‘fulcrum’ has been established through NIECAP-RMIT, an education resource centre promoting partnerships in the northern suburbs in Melbourne.

"A fulcrum is an entity, independent of the stakeholders that can serve the interests of members yet focus their attention upon the big picture and its common vision and aims. It is the legs and lynchpin upon which associated activities hinge. This vital role provides the following services to the stakeholders and their shared vision:

Actions in 2000

An action plan was been approved by the WYC, at the beginning of 2000. This is what is happening ‘on the ground’ this year:

What has been achieved so far

During 1999 and 2000 the momentum for change and attuning key local providers to the needs of young people has been building.

What has been crucial in taking the first steps

Six of the key ingredients among stakeholders seeking to develop more integrated and comprehensive school-to-work services in Whittlesea have been:

School principals and TAFE were aware that a narrow concentration on just academic and post-school student destinations added to the likelihood that young people not in full-time education or employment would continue to experience high levels of social disconnectedness.

The willingness of the local government to see the connection between sectors (especially education, employment and community services) and to provide a manageable planning framework for the process.

Local employers have been keen to take practical steps by themselves and in partnership to improve the skill level of young people, and not just push this responsibility onto the education sector.

Funding buckets (eg. the Commonwealth’s Regional Assistance Program and state sources through the Victorian Department of Education, Employment and Training) were available to be accessed that enabled stakeholders to initiate some initial change on the ground swiftly, and to establish the role of the fulcrum.

The close involvement of an external catalyst, acting in a brokerage and advocacy role, helped to cement initial trust between sectors and stakeholders.

Local data and research on those young people not engaged in full-time education or employment has enriched the national perspective, and given the issues a local immediacy that was otherwise lacking.

What could happen

The steps that have been taken in Whittlesea can be built on and enhanced. A five year plan of development for the WYC is being formulated and DSF has suggested a number of future measures to strengthen the capacity and potential of the WYC. These can be summarised as:

The dedicated transition brokerage which is currently based in one school needs to be extended so that a comprehensive and inclusive service is offered across the Whittlesea cluster.

Underpinning the local accountability of the participating organisations should be an annual local social audit, with a focus on WYC outcomes, co-ordinated and released by local government.

The partnership has been highly dependent on external funding from a variety of federal and state government sources during the initial stages. Stakeholder pooling of resources with local organisations contributing a greater share of the funding required over time, would improve the sustainability of the WYC.

Schools and businesses in Whittlesea have engaged in mentoring projects in the past but there is an opportunity to develop more comprehensive and inclusive systems of support for young people in both schools and in workplaces.

Project and team based learning in enterprises, community organisations and local government that develops both accredited and generic skills are important strategies that could assist in improving school retention rates and in opening vocational pathways. One step would be to assess the value of part-time employment undertaken by students and the potential link between part-time employment and school curricula and accreditation.

Developing a community learning centre based on an existing school or perhaps designing an integrated school and community centre in one of the new growth areas in the municipality would represent a transformational change in Whittlesea. The idea of the community learning centre is in effect the creation of a one-stop hub of learning and engagement extending across age groups, which would operate at all hours of the day and night, award a range of qualifications and certificates, all the while being locally driven and managed. Services like municipal libraries, TAFE, apprenticeship centres, Job Network providers, skill centres and neighbourhood houses would be either physically co-located or virtually networked into the community learning hub.

Australia’s Youth: Reality and Risk found that one of the problems of the youth labour market is not so much that young people cannot get jobs, but that many of the jobs that they get are not taking them very far. "With increasing numbers of young people, and in particular early school leavers, finding themselves locked into frequent spells of insecure temporary work, unemployment or labour market programs a central challenge is to build protective umbrellas that can connect and link a set of fragmented employment and learning experiences." Schools or the local community learning centre might develop new opportunities and economic relationships so that individuals can move between periods of labour market engagement, community work, and periods of learning and skill formation, while receiving a rewarding and sustainable form of income.

Some of the key features of group training could be integrated into the framework of community learning. In the same way that group training companies currently employ apprentices and sub-contract them to individual employers, schools or community learning centres could employ those students who wished to work part-time while completing a full or part-time course of study. These working students would be matched to the available casual job opportunities and provide a real link for schools to the hundreds of employers who now employ them directly.

Such an umbrella would enable young people to move between periods of labour market engagement and structured learning, with students simultaneously connected to school and the workplace. It would extend the idea of school based apprenticeships and enable schools and communities to influence the distribution of part-time work, helping to ensure that those young people desiring a vocational pathway had first call on the available job opportunities.

As a first step, a clearinghouse of Job Network brokers could be developed, easing the tangled web of employment services arrangements for young people and for employers. Through such a clearinghouse arrangement brokers would contribute their local knowledge and data about recruitment patterns, entry-level vacancies, and training opportunities and needs. Schools would be able to access the clearinghouse on behalf of their students and employers would be able to better meet their training and skill development requirements.

The goodwill and interest of employers in the goals of the WYC needs to be more concretely harnessed, and focused on increasing the number and quality of local training places.

The options that are developed by education providers and other stakeholders need to reflect the voices and experiences of young people themselves. One of the key benchmarks for practice must include respect for the views of young people and the development of means by which they help to determine choices and options. It means acknowledging young people as equal stakeholders, and involving them in the WYC in a variety of ways including management decision-making, acting as mentors for others, and so on. Their choices and options for involvement will depend on ensuring young people are informed, knowledgeable and skilled in their approach to the WYC. Linking the WYC to programs that provide training in community leadership, and projects that recognise their rights as active citizens may help to do this.

The framework developed through the WYC demonstrates the potential for agencies to work in stronger collaboration, despite diverse funding sources and competitive tendering arrangements. However there is scope for developing stronger local accountabilities about who does what and when, and the sharing of information about service delivery problems and effectiveness. Better systems to provide comparative data about what does and does not work in terms of education and employment services need to be developed.

What needs to happen, locally and externally

The cultural values and form of community partnership that have emerged through the Whittlesea Youth Commitment process suggest that stronger safety nets, more engaging learning environments and a healthier youth employment market should be possible in the future.

Local stakeholders recognise the value of:

Meanwhile, projects like the WYC will be enhanced and encouraged if there is a re-appraisal of the effectiveness of the existing youth employment, education and training policy mix at state and federal government levels. This is currently happening through the Eldridge taskforce of youth action plans and pathways at the federal level and in some states like Victoria which is reviewing its post-compulsory education and training services and public education structures. The outcome of this work is likely to result in a significant shift in vocational pathways policies for young people. This shift could embrace a number of principles that provide a stronger foundation for community partnerships such as the WYC:

Conclusion

The value of partnership arrangements such as those emerging in Whittlesea is becoming apparent. ACER’s recent study of partnership transition platforms identified some of the benefits:

It is too early to determine the extent to which the particular application of the WYC — stronger education, training and employment safety nets at the local level, better integration between sectors and clear, identifiable points of connection for young people — will result in more successful school-to-work transitions and lower levels of future long-term unemployment in Whittlesea. However the local stakeholders are evolving relationships that offer hope that key factors identified by the BCA — unclear accountabilities and dis-integration of services, inadequate measures, and a lack of knowledgeable buyers of services — can be overcome.

The broad loss of faith by both elites and ordinary citizens in the capacity of the state to achieve tangible and lasting improvements in the social condition is likely to result in increasing attempts to devolve responsibility for resources and outcomes away from centralised bureaucracies towards local communities. However can local communities successfully achieve in an arena when governments with more resources and legislative capacity are struggling? How can community partnerships at the local level engineer sustainable change when the issues they are dealing with arise from macro-forces in the economy and culture? What would lead us to expect that Whittlesea or any other community where similar efforts are being made can defy the way work is being re-assembled or the way families are evolving?

On its own, in isolation and divorced from the policy context around it, experiments like Whittlesea will raise unachievable expectations. However the values these efforts express, of genuine collaboration for common goals, of respect for young people as individuals, of stakeholder involvement in decision-making, for example, are powerful tools that can change ineffective practices. Moreover they can contribute to the development of a new style of ‘partnership government’, one that is more inclusive and structurally and intellectually prepared to harness the combined efforts of stakeholders. Implicitly the work of government is becoming that of resourcing and facilitating good practices between communities. Governments will increasingly be called on to guarantee benchmarks and universal standards, with a strong role for the public sector not just as a purchaser of services but also as a provider, oftentimes in combination with other public agencies and with private sector partners.

This is very different to the ascendant model of government in the 1980s and 1990s — an a priori view of the incapacity and ineffectiveness of the public sector which lead to widespread contracting out and privatisation of core services and social responsibilities. However, it is not difficult to see how ‘partnership government’ could be misinterpreted. Some governments will be increasingly attracted to the idea of partnerships because of the economic value to be gained - there are efficiencies that can be garnered by going down the partnership route. Communities will need to be watchful that ‘partnership’ does not become a new code word that masks an effort to further shrink the responsibilities of governments to citizens.

Clearly some of the current techniques of government, including open tendering, represent significant obstacles to the development of a policy culture built on the sharing of information, mutual benefit, collaboration and combined expertise. New instruments to encourage choice, flexibility and co-operation need to be found. As the ASTF recently noted, too often it seems the effort to attain universality (of purpose, standards, access, quality and viability) leads to the imposition of uniformity (of structure, composition and means).

In order to make partnership arrangements and regional initiatives such as Whittlesea effective, governments will need to see the connections between program ‘silos’ that presently compartmentalise health, education, employment and economic development policy and funding. Pooled funding derived from multiple government agencies will need to be made available to communities building partnerships that are prepared to tackle unemployment, drug abuse, skill deficits and other forms of social exclusion. This is not a small agenda. Changes of this nature will require all the stakeholders to examine their common vision, how they relate to each other, what they currently actually achieve, and to develop new modes of working intended to reduce the social and economic risks facing young people.